The legalities of Israel's ATB and of the Occupation Generally

Maurice Ostroff

While much of the West accepts the need for a separation barrier, the three most frequent arguments against Israel's Anti-Terror Barrier (ATB) which deserve serious attention are:

A) The suffering caused to Palestinians who are being separated from their fields and from each other
The inconvenience caused to farmers who experience delays in reaching their lands and to other Palestinians due to erection of Israel's Anti-Terror Barrier (ATB) is indeed very regrettable and every Israeli wishes it was avoidable. The very fact that so many Israelis participate as activists demonstrating against the ATB, indicates the strong empathy among Israelis for the suffering of the Palestinians as well as the democratic nature of Israel in permitting non violent protests against government actions.

Every effort is being made to minimize this inconvenience and compensation claims are being considered. but in human terms, it is not a disproportionate price to pay for saving hundreds of innocent lives. During the past three years 700 Israeli civilians were killed and thousands seriously wounded by Palestinian terrorists , mostly suicide bombers who easily entered Israel due to lack of a physical barrier.. It should be obvious to all that the sole purpose of the barrier is to prevent the entry of terrorists who indiscriminately kill and maim innocent people, Arab and Jews alike, including the elderly, the infirm and babes in arms.

It is an elementary self-evident truth, that If the PA authority would carry out its obligations under the Oslo Accords by acting firmly against terror, instead of encouraging it, the ATB would be unnecessary.

B) The contention that where the fence is built East of the green line, Israel is "illegally grabbing Palestinian land"

While the barrier basically follows the Green Line it extends in places to a depth of a few kilometers eastwards. Claims that the West Bank east of the green line is rightfully owned by the Palestinians and is unjustly occupied by Israel are plainly incorrect. Politicians and journalists who subscribe to these claims are obviously unaware of the facts.

Reference to any credible history book shows conclusively that the Palestinians who are claiming the return of this territory never ever possessed it and any reference to returning it to the Palestinians is therefore a misnomer.

The indisputable facts are that prior to 1967, the West Bank and East Jerusalem were not possessed by the Palestinians but were ILLEGALLY occupied by Jordan. Gaza was similarly, ILLEGALLY occupied by Egypt, both countries having illegally invaded the territories in defiance of the 1947 UN Partition Plan. Jordan resolved to annex the West Bank and Jerusalem in 1950 but this attempt at annexation was rejected by the vast majority of the international community, including the Arab states. Only Great Britain and Pakistan recognized this attempt at annexation. .

Since the subject is due for hearing in the International Court of Justice in the Hague (ICJ), it is relevant to quote former State Department Legal Advisor Stephen Schwebel, who at one time headed the ICJ. In 1970 he wrote: "Where the prior holder of territory had seized that territory unlawfully, the state which subsequently takes that territory in the lawful exercise of self-defense has, against that prior holder, better title." It is a matter of history that Israel entered the West Bank in self defence, as evidenced by the UN itself, having rejected Soviet efforts to have Israel branded as the aggressor in the Six-Day War.

Many journalists and politicians who should know better, frequently quote UN resolution 242 in support of their contention that Israel's presence on the West bank is ILLEGAL. To really understand what 242 is about, who better to turn to than one of the authors of the resolution, the late Eugene Rostow? In an article "Are the settlements legal?" in The New Republic, (October 21, 1991) he wrote:

"Resolution 242, which as undersecretary of state for political affairs between 1966 and 1969 I helped produce, calls on the parties to make peace and allows Israel to administer the territories it occupied in 1967 until "a just and lasting peace in the Middle East" is achieved. When such a peace is made, Israel is required to withdraw its armed forces "from territories" it occupied during the Six-Day War"

--not from "the" territories nor from "all" the territories, but from some of the territories, which included the Sinai Desert, the West Bank, the Golan Heights, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip.

"...Ingeniously drafted resolutions calling for withdrawals from "all" the territories were defeated in the Security Council and the General Assembly. Speaker after speaker made it explicit that Israel was not to be forced back to the "fragile" and "vulnerable" Armistice Demarcation Lines, but should retire once peace was made to what Resolution 242 called "secure and recognized" boundaries, agreed to by the parties. In negotiating such agreements, the parties should take into account, among other factors, security considerations, access to the international waterways of the region, and, of course, their respective legal claims."

It is seen to be patently misleading to describe the West Bank and Gaza Strip as "occupied Palestinian territories" as clarified by U.S. Ambassador to the UN Madeleine Albright. In March 1994, she stated: "We simply do not support the description of the territories occupied by Israel in the 1967 War as occupied Palestinian territory."

Describing these territories as "Palestinian" prejudges the outcome of the territorial adjustments envisioned in 242. The unavoidable logical conclusion is that Israel's presence in the West Bank is perfectly legal until such time as a just and lasting peace is achieved. Ergo, it follows as a matter of simple logic, that, construction of portions of the ATB east of the green line is equally justified in terms of international law

C) The ATB and the Oslo Accords
It has been contended that construction of the ATB contravenes ARTICLE XXXI of the 1995 (Oslo !!) Interim Agreement which requires that "Neither side shall initiate or take any step that will change the status of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip pending the outcome of the permanent status negotiations".

Israel has however categorically stated that the barrier is not a political border but a defensive measure. In fact its construction can be regarded as compliance with ARTICLE XV of the same agreement which specifically provides that "Both sides shall take all measures necessary in order to prevent acts of terrorism, crime and hostilities directed against each other, against individuals falling under the other's authority and against their property and shall take legal measures against offenders. Having regard to the PA's flagrant failure to comply with its obligations under this clause, Israel's construction of the ATB must be seen as the logical remaining means available to comply with its obligations under this clause..

The more so is this true in view of the PA's tolerance of and even cooperation with Hamas, Islamic Jihad, PFLP and other openly terrorist organizations in gross violation of ARTICLE XIV which unambiguously forbids any armed forces in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip other than the Israeli army and The Palestinian Police Force. This clause clearly states "Except for the arms, ammunition and equipment of the Palestinian Police described in Annex I, and those of the Israeli military forces, no organization, group or individual in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip shall manufacture, sell, acquire, possess, import or otherwise introduce into the West Bank or the Gaza Strip any firearms, ammunition, weapons, explosives, gunpowder or any related equipment, unless otherwise provided for in Annex I.

It is difficult to understand what alternative is open to Israel in countering terror attacks especially in view of the PA's violation of its obligation under ARTICLE XXII to abstain from incitement, take legal measures to prevent such incitement and to ensure that their respective educational systems contribute to the peace between the Israeli and Palestinian peoples and to peace in the entire region

RECOMMENDED READING
1. "A Historical Approach to the Issue of Legality of Jewish Settlement Activity" by the Late Eugene W. Rostow. The New Republic, April 23, 1990
2. "Are the settlements legal? Resolved" By Eugene W. Rostow, The New Republic, October 21, 1991
3) International Law and the Arab Israel Conflict" by Ian Lacey which can be downloaded in pdf format


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